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Mẹo về Which of the following could result from facing stressors directly and repeatedly? Mới Nhất

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Emotion Regulation in Social Anxiety Disorder

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    Emotion Regulation in Social Anxiety DisorderCognitive ChangeEmotional Experience and Regulation in Later LifeRegulating Emotions in Social ContextsEmotion and Cognition2.4 Cognitive changeNeuroeconomics of Emotion and Decision MakingMemory ReconsolidationCultural differences in meditationCultural differences in emotion processes and mental healthFear not: religion and emotion regulation in coping with existential concernsNeural Mechanisms of Emotions and AffectEmotion regulationEmotion regulation difficulties in PTSDEmotion regulation strategies and PTSDIntergroup Emotions Theory: Production, Regulation, and Modification of Group-Based Emotions5.2.2 Indirect Emotion Regulation StrategiesAdvances in Theoretical, Developmental, and Cross-Cultural Perspectives of PsychopathologyMetaanalytic studies of emotion regulationWhat particular brain structure plays a significant role in processing matters of emotional significance?What are the two related but distinct processes involved in approach oriented emotionWhich of the following is true about the measurement of emotionWhich of the following is an example of emotional avoidance?

Philippe R. Goldin, … James J. Gross, in
Social Anxiety (Third Edition), 2014

Cognitive Change

This emotion regulation strategy involves using cognitive skills (e.g., perspective-taking, challenging interpretations, reframing the meaning of
situations) to modify the meaning of a stimulus or situation that gives rise to emotional reactivity. Cognitive reappraisal, a primary form of cognitive change, entails using cognitive and linguistic processes to reframe or reinterpret the meaning of a stimulus or situation in order to up- or down-regulate the emotions. Reappraisal can modify emotional reactions to stressful, anxiety-provoking situations and can lead to psychological flexibility and emotional well-being (Gross &
Thompson, 2007). Difficulty reappraising emotions is considered a core mechanism in individuals with anxiety and mood disorders (Campbell-Sills & Barlow, 2007).

Using a variety of methods, research studies have demonstrated that, compared to healthy controls, individuals with SAD are less successful using reappraisal to reduce anxiety responses. Behavioral studies have observed that compared to controls, individuals with SAD report
lesser “reappraisal self-efficacy” when challenged to give a speech or recall autobiographical social anxiety situations (Werner et al., 2011). Neuroimaging studies have found that, compared with healthy controls, individuals with SAD generate lesser brain responses in cognitive control (DLPFC and DMPFC) and attention (medial precuneus, posterior cingulate, and bilateral dorsal parietal cortex) brain networks during reappraisal of harsh facial expressions (Goldin, Manber,
Hakimi, Canli, & Gross, 2009), as well as temporally delayed prefrontal cortex activation (DMPFC, bilateral DLPFC, and bilateral VLPFC) and less PFC-amygdala inverse functional connectivity when reappraising self-generated negative self-beliefs (Goldin, Manber-Ball, et al., 2009). Thus, lesser and slower recruitment of cognitive control networks in SAD is related to less successful cognitive down-regulation of limbic responses. This reflects how heightened levels of
anxiety can inhibit recruitment of PFC in the context of anxiety-inducing stimuli.

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Emotional Experience and Regulation in Later Life

Susan Turk Charles, in
Handbook of the Psychology of Aging (Seventh Edition), 2011

Regulating Emotions in Social Contexts

Many emotion regulation strategies occur in the context of
interpersonal relationships. Social relationships are strongly tied to physical health and emotional well-being (e.g., Rook et al., 2007). Although social relationships can be a source of joy and contentment, they also can be a source of distress. The most common daily stressors are interpersonal in nature (Almeida, 2005). Interpersonal stressors elicit high levels of emotional distress (e.g., Birditt et al., 2005), and they are strongly related to both
emotional and physical well-being (e.g., Newsom et al., 2008).

Socioemotional selectivity theory posits that older adults place greater emphasis and importance on the emotions derived from social relationships than do younger adults (Carstensen, 2006; Carstensen et al., 1999). Older adults have smaller social networks than do younger adults, and researchers believe this decrease reflects active efforts on the part of older adults to
remove social partners from whom they derive few emotional benefits (Lang, 2001; Lang & Carstensen, 2002). This decrease of more peripheral partners begins in middle-age, with declines beginning across the third and fourth decade of life (Carstensen, 1992). In contrast to the number of peripheral, less important social partners, the number of close friends and family members is similar across age groups (Lang, 2001). In addition, people report
increasing emotional satisfaction with close friends and family members over time (Carstensen, 1992). When reporting the emotions experienced with family members across the course of the week, for instance, older adults report higher levels of positive emotions than do younger adults (Charles & Piazza, 2007).

Even when people experience tense interpersonal exchanges, older adults engage in behaviors that decrease the escalation
of these situations to a greater extent than do younger adults (Blanchard-Fields, 2007). For example, younger adults are more likely to respond by engaging in an argument or confronting a person who is the source of the contention, whereas older adults are more likely to report that they disengage from these situations or that they wait until the situation has passed (Blanchard-Fields et al., 2007; Charles et al., 2001). More passive behaviors also appear to confer
greater emotion regulation advantages with age. A study examining emotional reactivity in response to two types of interpersonal stressors – one where people engaged in an argument and another where people could have argued but decided to let the situation pass – revealed that older adults are less reactive to the avoided argument than the actual argument (Charles et al., 2009). When comparing across age, older age is related to less reactivity to the avoided argument, but younger,
middle, and older adults are similarly reactive to the actual argument.

Evidence suggesting that older adults create more benign outcomes in otherwise tense situations is also found in studies of married couples (Carstensen et al., 1995; Seider et al., 2009; Story et al., 2007). In these studies, older and middle-aged couples are asked to discuss an area of contention in their relationship. Researchers then analyze age differences in expressive
behaviors, comments, and physiological reactivity during these exchanges. Results indicate that older and middle-aged couples differ in how they express themselves to their spouses during these conflicts; specifically, older adults use more relationship “we” words, whereas middle-aged couples make more “I” comments (Seider et al., 2009). Researchers interpret the use of “we” as symptomatic of older adults adopting a more communal,
relationship orientation than middle-aged adults, which is perhaps why greater use of “we” as opposed to “I” is associated with more positive emotions and less physiological arousal during these arguments. Older adults also express less negative affect and more affection than do middle-aged spouses even after controlling for levels of marital satisfaction (Carstensen et al., 1995). Thus, the actual arguments of older couples appear to be less negative than those of middle-aged
couples.

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Emotion and Cognition

Jacob W. Gurera, Derek M. Isaacowitz, in Progress in Brain
Research, 2022

2.4 Cognitive change

The emotion regulation strategy of cognitive change refers to how interpretations or evaluations of emotional events are reframed to change emotional responses (Gross, 1998). The most commonly reported class of cognitive change is reappraisal, a strategy observed to be effective by many (Goldin et al., 2008; Gross, 2001)
and has been associated with overall positive social and emotional wellbeing (Gross and John, 2003). Cognitive reappraisal is typically studied in lab settings by presenting participants with emotional material, varying in modality and complexity, and providing instructions to reinterpret the emotional stimuli. Many of these studies require participants to reevaluate negative content while additionally presenting neutral content as a control and for the purposes of reducing
desensitization to the negative material.

Two different types of reappraisal, detached and positive reappraisal, have been widely studied in emotion regulation research (John and Gross, 2004; Ochsner and Gross, 2008; Opitz et al., 2012; Schmeichel et al., 2008; Shiota and Levenson, 2009). Detached reappraisal entails removing oneself from the emotional context presented and
reframing the presented stimuli to reduce its potency. Positive reappraisal involves the continued engagement with emotional content while attempting to reinterpret the presented material in a more positive way.

Similar to the success of other regulation strategies, cognitive control is implicated in the success of cognitive reappraisal (Ochsner and Gross, 2008; Opitz et al., 2012). The success of detached and positive reappraisal in
older adulthood has been shown to vary; positive reappraisal is more commonly successful for older adults than detached reappraisal (John and Gross, 2004; Shiota and Levenson, 2009). Differences observed in the successes of these reappraisal types have been argued to relate to the specific sub-processes of cognitive control they call upon (e.g., mental set shifting, information updating and monitoring, and inhibition of prepotent responses; McRae et al.,
2012). Results from several previous studies corroborate the finding that detached reappraisal calls on cognitive control processes more so than does positive reappraisal (Opitz et al., 2012; Schmeichel et al., 2008; Shiota and Levenson, 2009). Positive reappraisal may enlist less cognitive control than detached reappraisal as individuals remain focused on the emotional sự kiện while reinterpreting the content to be more positive, whereas detached
reappraisal necessitates a degree of separation from the emotional sự kiện, which may be more effortful. One recent study investigating the requisite cognitive control older adults use during detached and positive reappraisal shows detached reappraisal calls for greater cognitive control than positive reappraisal, specifically involving the sub-process of mental set shifting (Liang et al., 2022).

Although reappraisal has been shown to be an effective
strategy for some, age may play an important role in the determination of the strategy’s success due to the requisite level of cognitive control. Individuals with greater capacities in working memory and the cognitive control sub-process of mental set shifting have shown greater success in implementing strategies of reappraisal (Schmeichel et al., 2008). These capacities have been observed to decline with age (Craik and Salthouse, 2011), directing research to
investigate potential age differences.

Models of emotion and cognition in aging (e.g., SOC-ER, SAVI) that posit the importance of recognizing available cognitive resources would predict older adults might not prefer to implement cognitive change due to this strategy’s demand on cognitive resources. However, by comparison to young adults, evidence suggests older adults are more likely to report engaging in cognitive reappraisal strategies when confronted with
distressing emotional content (John and Gross, 2004). Findings from previous research demonstrate that reappraisal may not be a generally effective strategy for older adults to reduce negative affect (Opitz et al., 2012; Urry and Gross, 2010). The apparent contradiction between self-reported preference for implementing cognitive reappraisal and the lab-based success of this strategy may derive from older adults relying on the use of regulation strategies
that were previously successful earlier in life and are less successful with age due to declining cognitive resources. It may also result from differences in method (self-report vs lab paradigm). Another explanation could be that variations in choice and preference vary on an intraindividual level as opposed to between age-groups, where situational factors and the particular resources available a given time may also impact how cognitive change is used (Hess, 2014).

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Neuroeconomics of Emotion and Decision Making

Karolina M. Lempert, Elizabeth A. Phelps, in
Neuroeconomics (Second Edition), 2014

Memory Reconsolidation

Cognitive emotion regulation strategies can help us to change our choices through altering emotional reactions, but they rely on a proposed
circuitry that requires the prefrontal cortex to inhibit responses in other brain regions (Ochsner and Gross, 2005). This has certain advantages and disadvantages. One advantage is that these strategies can be flexibly applied when needed. A disadvantage, however, is that these strategies do not result in lasting changes in emotion; when a learned emotional response is consistently maladaptive, such as in addiction, a more long-lasting solution would be more suitable. In addition,
it may be harder to utilize such strategies under stress, when PFC function may be compromised. Because of these issues, times it would be ideal to have a technique that can more persistently reduce learned emotional reactions and associated choices. A promising new line of research suggests targeting memory reconsolidation may lead to a more lasting change in emotion.

When memories are initially learned, there is a period of time after
acquisition called consolidation, during which the synaptic changes that instantiate the memory occur. Prior to the completion of consolidation, the memory is fragile or labile and can be disrupted. For many years it was thought that once a memory was fully consolidated it was permanently stable. However, over the last decade or so, an emerging body toàn thân of research has suggested that every time a memory is retrieved it once again becomes labile and requires an additional storage
process to regain stability, called reconsolidation. This additional period of fragility presents a second opportunity to disrupt or alter the memory by altering its re-storage or reconsolidation.

The best evidence for reconsolidation to date comes from studies of Pavlovian fear conditioning in which a neutral cue acquires aversive properties by virtue of simple pairing with an aversive sự kiện. A large body toàn thân of research has shown that these simple associative
fear memories are stored in the lateral amygdala (LeDoux, 2000). In a test of reconsolidation, Nader and colleagues (2000) taught a rat to fear a neutral tone and waited a day for this fear memory to be fully consolidated. They then presented the tone, reminding the rat of the fear memory and triggering memory reconsolidation. They subsequently injected a drug in the lateral amygdala that blocks protein synthesis, which is
necessary for the synaptic processes required for memory stabilization. A day later, the tone was presented again and the rat showed no evidence of the fear memory; disrupting synaptic processes even after the memory had been initially consolidated disrupted the memory. These results thus provided convincing evidence that by targeting reconsolidation it is possible to disrupt fear memories. Additional research has also shown that targeting reconsolidation can disrupt simple Pavlovian appetitive
associations (Lee and Everitt, 2008a), as well as Pavlovian-instrumental transfer (Lee and Everitt, 2008b), suggesting that the learned reinforcing properties of these appetitive stimuli are diminished with this technique.

Over the last decade, a large body toàn thân of research targeting reconsolidation to change the learned affective qualities of stimuli has emerged in studies with non-human animals, but research in humans has been
relatively sparse. One reason is that the drugs commonly used to block reconsolidation in non-human animals are not safe for human use, and the drugs that could be used in humans have had limited success (see Schiller and Phelps, 2011, for a review). An alternative approach has been to take advantage of the adaptive function of reconsolidation, which is to allow memory to be dynamic. Reconsolidating a memory every time it is retrieved both strengthens old memories and also updates
old memories with new information available the time of retrieval. This updating function suggests that it might be possible to introduce new information about the affective qualities of the conditioned stimulus during reconsolidation and change its emotional properties (Monfils et al., 2009).

In a test of this in humans, Schiller and colleagues (2010) taught participants to fear a neutral colored square by repeatedly
pairing its presentation with a mild shock. After a day of memory consolidation, half the participants were reminded of the colored square, triggering the reconsolidation process. All the participants then underwent standard extinction training in which the colored square was presented repeatedly without shock. Extinction training provides evidence that the previously feared stimulus is now safe. Standard extinction training is known to result in a second “safe” memory, which can compete for
expression with the original fear memory. Because of this, fears often return after standard extinction training when the primary fearful memory begins to reassert itself. Consistent with this, in the Schiller et al. (2010) study, the participants who underwent standard extinction training showed evidence of fear recovery a day later. In contrast, participants who underwent extinction after reconsolidation was triggered showed no evidence of fear recovery a day later, and
a follow-up test a year later. By precisely timing extinction training to occur during the reconsolidation process, it is possible that the original fear memory was updated with the new “safe” information, thus persistently changing this learned fear association and reducing its aversive properties.

To date, the vast majority of research on reconsolidation has examined simple learning paradigms and has not extended findings to the impact of changing
affective memories on choices (see Lee and Everitt, 2008b, for an exception). One domain marked by maladaptive decision making where this type of lasting emotion reduction technique might be useful is addiction. Drug addiction is often considered a disorder of memory. Some environmental cues are so strongly associated with a drug, that the addict goes into an intense craving state when encountering these cues (consider, for example, the smell of cigarette smoke for a
nicotine-addicted individual). In order for an individual to decide not to use the drug in these situations, she or he has to regulate the craving response to reduce the associated approach tendency. If these associative memories can be persistently changed, it should thus become easier to make healthy decisions. A recent study found that, in both rats and humans, triggering the reconsolidation process prior to exposure therapy – a clinical procedure based on extinction – helped reduce
subsequent craving in heroin addicts when they were exposed to cues associated with the drug, more than standard exposure therapy alone (Xue et al., 2012). This powerful finding shows that targeting reconsolidation may be a promising strategy for preventing addicts from relapsing in the long-term. It may also be possible to use these techniques in any other situations where our learned emotional responses result in maladaptive or unintentional poor choices (e.g.,
Kubota et al., 2012).

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Cultural differences in meditation

Yi-Yuan Tang, Rongxiang Tang, in
The Neuroscience of Meditation, 2022

Cultural differences in emotion processes and mental health

One emotion regulation strategy is the suppression of feelings. Studies showed that
suppression is more common in Asian cultures than US culture (Kim & Sasaki, 2014; Matsumoto, Yoo, & Nakagawa, 2008). In US culture, expression of emotion is encouraged more strongly. For instance, Americans report experiencing more positive emotions than negative emotions, but this pattern is atypical for Asians. Thus cultures moderate the processes of emotion regulation and the way people feel in response to environment and experience (Kim & Sasaki, 2014).
If cultures shape emotion regulation, we should expect these cultural differences also influence related neural activity. One study examined brain mechanisms of disgust suppression in Americans. Although participants reported experiencing reduced negative effects, greater emotion-related responses in the insula and amygdala were detected, suggesting self-report and brain response were discordant (Goldin, McRae, Ramel, & Gross, 2008). A similar study on Japanese did not find
increased activation in the insula or amygdala during emotion suppression (Ohira, Nomura, Ichikawa, Isowa, & Iidaka, 2006). Although these studies did not directly compare different cultural groups, the divergent findings within each culture are meaningful. Of note is that cultures not only affect emotion processes, but also work together with genes to moderate emotional experience, well-being, and health (Tompson et al., 2022), see Chapter 4, Genetic
association with meditation learning and practice (outcomes) for details.

Emotion processes and regulation are directly related to mental health and disorders, so we expect there are cultural differences in the experience of symptoms and mental disorders. Our experience is associated with attention and interoception that are shaped by cultures. Attentional bias refers to the tendency of our perception to be affected by our recurring thoughts and may explain
our failure to consider alternatives, which is also influenced by culture. For example, smokers often have attentional bias for smoking-related cues. Sleep-related attentional bias plays an important role in the development and maintenance of insomnia (Bar-Haim, Lamy, Pergamin, Bakermans-Kranenburg, & van IJzendoorn, 2007; Harris et al., 2015). Attentional bias is also involved in the exacerbation and maintenance of chronic pain
(Rusu, Gajsar, Schlüter, & Bremer, 2022) and is associated with symptoms of disorders such as anxiety, depression, and posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) (Browning, Holmes, & Harmer, 2010). In a cross-cultural study of attentional bias in chronic fatigue syndrome, compared to controls, Dutch and British chronic fatigue patients showed a significant attentional bias for illness-related words and were significantly more likely to interpret ambiguous information
in a somatic way (Hughes, Hirsch, Nikolaus, Chalder, Knoop, & Moss-Morris, 2022).

A review article examined cross-cultural differences in interoception and the role of culturally bound epistemologies and contemplative practices. The review summarized that people from Western and Eastern cultures exhibit differential levels of interoceptive accuracy and somatic awareness, and show different culturally bound psychopathologies, including
somatization, body toàn thân dysmorphia, pain sensitivity, and eating and mood disorders (Di Lernia, Serino, & Riva, 2022; Ma-Kellams, 2014). One explanation is that culture influences the attention allocation and subsequent cognitive, affective, and social processes. Therefore people in different cultures pay attention differently to the same thing in the same context, which may lead to different mental processes and interpretation of mental health and experience of symptoms and mental
disorders (Boduroglu, Shah, & Nisbett, 2009). In summary, these results suggest that culture as a set of social behavior and norms can shape experiences of symptoms and disorders, including attitudes, mindsets, beliefs, and expression of symptoms and diseases, as well as treatment-seeking (Chase, Sapkota, Crafa, & Kirmayer, 2022).

Given that our social cognitive and affective processes are associated with how we believe and
perceive mental health, and how we feel, interpret, and experience symptoms and cope with disorders, these research findings provide evidence that culture shapes our belief and attitude toward mental health, influence our feelings and experience of symptoms and mental disorders, and treatment preferences (Jimenez, Bartels, Cardenas, & Alegría, 2013; Jimenez, Bartels, Cardenas, Dhaliwal, & Alegría, 2012; Kramer, Kwong, Lee, & Chung, 2002). For instance, Asian patients
tend to report somatic symptoms first and then later describe emotional afflictions, indicating that people selectively present symptoms in a “culturally appropriate” way that won’t reflect badly on them (US Department of Health and Human Services, 2001). In Western culture, we are socially asked how we feel and name our emotional states from an early age. Yet this is not the case everywhere such as in some Eastern and African cultures. In reality, whether we describe emotional or
physical symptoms depends on our cultural beliefs and norms. Without considering these cultural differences, physicians may misunderstand and misinterpret the symptoms and make an incorrect diagnosis. Patients are often not aware of the cultural influences and only express “culturally appropriate” symptoms, which may mislead the diagnosis (Chase et al., 2022; Jimenez et al., 2013; Kohrt & Harper, 2008; Kramer et al.,
2002). Moreover, some Asian patients prefer avoidance of upsetting thoughts with regard to personal problems rather than explicitly expressing their distress. Compared to white Americans, African Americans are more likely to handle personal problems and distress on their own or turn to their spirituality for tư vấn. Moreover, cultural factors often determine how much tư vấn we have from our families and communities in seeking help, where people from an Eastern collectivism culture
versus Western individualism culture behave very differently (Hunt et al., 2013; Jimenez et al., 2013; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2001). Therefore some symptoms and mental disorders may be more prevalent in certain cultures, but it should be noted that this is largely determined by whether that particular symptom(s) or disorder(s) is rooted more in genetic or social factors. For example, the prevalence of schizophrenia is consistent
throughout the world cross-culturally, but pain, anxiety, depression, PTSD, and suicide rates are more attributed to cultural factors (Chiao, Li, Turner, Lee-Tauler, & Pringle, 2022; US Department of Health and Human Services, 2001). It should be noted that the elements of “self” (i.e., a set of beliefs, attitudes, thoughts, values, and emotions) in different cultures are central to the understanding of the conceptions of mental health, psychological well-being, and subsequent
stigma as well as treatment-seeking (Kohrt & Harper, 2008; Liddell & Jobson, 2022), which are also significantly impacted by cultures (see Section “Cultural differences in social behavior and self-related processes”).

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Fear not: religion and emotion regulation in coping with existential concerns

Allon Vishkin, Maya Tamir, in
The Science of Religion, Spirituality, and Existentialism, 2022

Rumination

Rumination is an emotion regulation strategy that involves
repetitive thoughts on the experience of emotional distress (Nolen-Hoeksema, Wisco, & Lyubomirsky, 2008). Both reappraisal and rumination are emotion regulation strategies that involve cognitive elaboration. However, whereas cognitive reappraisal reinterprets a negative emotional sự kiện, rumination keeps people in a loop of repetitive thought about the sự kiện. Consequently, cognitive reappraisal often leads to less negative affect (Webb et al., 2012), whereas
rumination leads to more negative affect (Segerstrom, Tsao, Alden, & Craske, 2000). People who are more religious are less likely to engage in rumination (Vishkin, Ben-Nun Bloom, et al., 2022), possibly because rumination and cognitive reappraisal recruit the same neural systems, including the left amygdala and the left ventrolateral prefrontal cortex, though for different purposes (Ray et al., 2005). Consequently, engaging in cognitive reappraisal may
come the expense of engaging in rumination. Specifically, once such systems have been recruited to engage in cognitive reappraisal among people who are more religious, they may be less available for engaging in rumination. A negative attitude toward rumination is reflected in some religious dictates. For example, the exhortation to turn the other cheek (Matthew 5:39), rather than dwelling on who has wronged us and how we have been wronged, is a call to let go of an emotional sự kiện, rather
than ruminating over it. The diminished tendency among people who are more religious to engage in rumination may help them avoid the intensification and maintenance of fear of death, allowing it to subside.

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Neural Mechanisms of Emotions and Affect

Jacob Aday, … Joshua M. Carlson, in
Emotions and Affect in Human Factors and Human-Computer Interaction, 2022

Emotion regulation

Emotion regulation
is the application of strategies that increase, maintain, or decrease the intensity, duration, and/or quality of an emotion (Gyurak et al., 2011). Emotions serve to motivate behavior and being able to regulate your emotions is advantageous because it allows you to engage in behaviors that may not provide an immediate reward. Being able to regulate your emotional reaction to an sự kiện also allows you to manipulate the likelihood of you engaging in behaviors associated with
that emotion. For example, downregulating the emotion of anger to decrease its intensity makes you less likely to engage in behaviors associated with anger, such as fighting or aggression. Research on the neural mechanisms involved in emotion regulation has focused primarily on attempts to downregulate negatively valenced emotions. To date, emotion regulation strategies have been largely grouped into three different classes: (1) attentional control, (2)
cognitive reappraisal, and (3) response modulation (Webb et al., 2012). Surprisingly, researchers have had little success in reliably differentiating which brain structures are specifically implicated with each strategy (Giuliani et al., 2011; Kühn et al., 2011). There seems to be much overlap in the neural resources recruited by these varied strategies.

Emotion Regulation Strategies

The three major emotion regulation strategies all work to modulate the intensity, duration, and/or quality of an emotion. Attentional control involves focusing one’s attention away from an emotion-eliciting stimulus. Studies on attentional control have focused primarily on responses to pain and have found that various methods of shifting attention or distraction (simply being asked to “think of something else”) diminish the averseness of pain (Tracey
et al., 2002). Cognitive reappraisal involves reframing the problem or thinking about it in a different way. This has been explored in various ways including asking participants to imagine a context in which an emotional sự kiện or experience would be neutral (Ochsner et al., 2002), in which it retreats into the distance (Davis et al., 2011), and in which the participants act as objective, scientific observers without being emotionally
involved (Goldin et al., 2008). Response modulation involves altering emotion expressive behavior. For example, when you attempt to suppress tears when you are sad to prevent yourself from becoming even sadder, you are using response modulation. This strategy may be effective in the short term, but research shows that frequent expressive suppression may be dysfunctional as it can result in diminished control of emotion, interpersonal functioning, memory, well-being, and
greater depressive symptomatology (Gross and John, 2003).

Neural Correlates of Emotion Regulation

As mentioned previously, research focused on differentiating neural structures associated with different emotion regulation strategies has been largely unclear or not replicable (Giuliani et al., 2011; Kühn et al., 2011). However, there do seem to be
some structures implicated in all three emotion regulation strategies. This overlap is found primarily within the frontal, temporal, and parietal lobes.

Successful downregulation of negative emotion using cognitive reappraisal is associated with decreased activity in the amygdala (Goldin et al., 2008; Ochsner et al., 2002, 2004). This is consistent with our knowledge of its
pervasive role in emotional appraisal and reactivity. The insula is another region implicated in emotion regulation. Similar to the amygdala, fMRI activation of this structure is typically reduced when individuals effectively downregulate emotion using cognitive reappraisal (Carlson and Mujica-Parodi, 2010; Goldin et al., 2008; Herwig et al., 2007). This makes sense due to its role in monitoring body toàn thân physiology; effective downregulation means you should have
less peripheral arousal and thus, less activity in the insula. In general, this pattern of activity in the amygdala and insula makes sense—if you downregulate an emotion, there should be decreased activity in brain areas associated with emotional responding and feeling.

The temporal lobe’s role in emotion regulation is primarily due to its connections with the amygdala; however, the temporal pole (TP) also appears to be involved. The TP is a region in the
temporal lobe situated roughly between the OFC and the amygdala that receives and sends connections to both regions. There has been relatively little research on this region, but it is thought to potentially play a role in emotion regulation by incorporating emotional and social information (Olson et al., 2007). Humans and monkeys with TP damage show profound changes in personality, emotion regulation, and social behavior (Gorno-Tempini et al., 2004; Olson
et al., 2007).

The frontal lobe also contains several regions implicated in emotion regulation. Research has shown that activity in the ventrolateral prefrontal cortex (vlPFC) is correlated with reduced negative emotional experience during cognitive reappraisal of aversive images (Wager et al., 2008). Several fMRI studies have noted increased activity in other regions of the PFC when participants are instructed to
deploy cognitive strategies that reduce negative emotional experience, including the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex (dlPFC) and the dorsomedial prefrontal cortex (dmPFC; Ochsner and Gross, 2005). More specifically, recent research has found that the right vlPFC is activated when participants exert attentional control over their emotions and when they engage in cognitive reappraisal (Bishop et al., 2004; Ochsner and Gross, 2005). It seems that the
vlPFC and ACC are implicated in almost all imaging studies of emotion regulation, and regardless of whether the participants are trying to increase or decrease the intensity of an emotion (Ochsner et al., 2004). These frontal regions incorporate emotional and social information and are able to influence emotional reactions through their connections to the amygdala (Ochsner and Gross, 2005). Evidence suggests that control processes initiated in the frontal
lobe serve to inhibit amygdala function. In particular, the PFC and amygdala are negatively coupled during emotion regulation (Banks et al., 2007) and successful emotion regulation is mediated by this pathway (Wager et al., 2008). Collectively, these findings suggest a strong role of the frontal lobe, specifically the PFC, in emotion regulation.

Another region implicated in the various emotion regulation
strategies is the parietal lobe. The parietal lobe’s role in emotion regulation likely has to do with its role in maintaining attention. All of the emotion regulation strategies recruit some level of attention to modify emotional responses. The posterior P300 ERP component, localized to the parietal lobe, is elicited by emotional stimuli and more recent ERP research indicates that in addition to an increased P300, emotional stimuli are associated with a
more sustained positivity in the ERP, known as the late positive potential (LPP; Hajcak et al., 2010). Converging evidence suggests that increases in the LPP are directly related to the emotional salience of the eliciting stimulus, such that highly arousing pleasant and unpleasant stimuli, such as erotica and threat scenes, result in corresponding increases in the LPP (Schupp et al., 2004). The LPP is also implicated when participants are instructed
to regulate their emotions. Studies that have participants reinterpret unpleasant images in a less negative way have shown that reductions in the LPP are correlated with reductions in self-reported emotional experience following reappraisal (Hajcak and Nieuwenhuis, 2006). Furthermore, fMRI research indicates that the intraparietal sulcus, the inferior parietal lobe, and dorsal premotor cortex are richly interconnected and form what’s known as the frontoparietal attention
network (Ptak, 2011). These close functional and structural interconnections with other areas involved in emotion regulation tư vấn the notion that parietal activation helps direct and maintain attention toward emotion regulation goals.

As you can see, the various emotion regulation strategies recruit a vast number of overlapping brain structures. This large distribution of regions makes sense given the importance of emotion regulation in
our emotional, physical, and social well-being. Engaging in emotion regulation allows us to utilize our cognitive abilities when forming an emotional reaction. This can be highly advantageous as we can incorporate more information into our decisions—such as planning, emotional intelligence, social norms—and not just rely on past stimulus-reward (or threat) associations. Emotion regulation strategies have been generally grouped into three categories: (1) attentional control, (2) cognitive
reappraisal, and (3) response modulation. Most of the research on emotion regulation has focused on attempts to downregulate negative emotions and numerous studies have found that effective downregulation of negative emotions is associated with increased PFC activity and decreased insula and amygdala activity. These results corroborate our knowledge of the PFC’s role in cognitive control and the insula and amygdala’s relationship in feeling negative emotional states.

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Emotion regulation difficulties in PTSD

Matthew T. Tull, … James E. Betts, in Emotion in Posttraumatic Stress Disorder, 2022

Emotion regulation strategies and PTSD

Much of the research on emotion regulation strategies in PTSD is cross-sectional in nature, relying heavily on self-report measures of emotion regulation strategy use. Not surprisingly, research in this area shows that individuals with PTSD tend to rely on
putatively maladaptive emotion regulation strategies. A recent metaanalysis by Seligowski et al. (2015) examined associations between PTSD and various measures of emotion regulation across 57 studies of college student, community, military, clinical, and substance-dependent samples. Results from this metaanalysis tư vấn the hypothesis that PTSD is associated with a greater reliance on putatively maladaptive emotion regulation strategies. Specifically the authors found the largest
effects for the specific emotion regulation strategies of rumination, thought suppression, and experiential avoidance. Medium-sized effects were found for expressive suppression and worry. Of note, significant effects were not found for putatively adaptive emotion regulation strategies (acceptance and reappraisal).

In one of the few laboratory-based studies in this area, Tull, Berghoff, Wheeless, Cohen, and Gratz (2022) examined the relation
between PTSD symptom severity and the use of specific emotion regulation strategies following exposure to a trauma-related reminder. Specifically, substance-dependent patients exposed to a Criterion A traumatic sự kiện listened to a personalized trauma script and then reported on the specific emotion regulation strategies that they used during the script. Interestingly, PTSD symptom severity was positively associated with the use of more putatively adaptive (e.g., distraction) and maladaptive
(e.g., emotional avoidance) emotion regulation strategies. In addition, the authors found evidence of indirect effects of PTSD symptom severity on negative affect and cortisol reactivity through both putatively adaptive and maladaptive emotion regulation strategies. These findings speak to the complexity of emotion regulation strategy use among individuals with PTSD. Specifically the findings suggest, that although substance-dependent patients experiencing PTSD symptoms may be more likely to
rely on maladaptive emotion regulation strategies, they may also have access to more adaptive emotion regulation strategies as well. It is also possible that, as PTSD symptoms become more severe, individuals may employ a greater number of strategies (potentially insensitive to context) in an attempt to modulate emotional distress.

Research has also demonstrated that the use of particular emotion regulation strategies is prospectively associated with the
development of PTSD symptoms. For example, within a sample of individuals who had experienced a motor vehicle accident, dissociation the time of an accident and persistent dissociation 4 weeks following the accident significantly predicted the severity of PTSD symptoms 6 months (Murray, Ehlers, & Mayou, 2002). Murray et al. (2002) also found that rumination soon after the accident and 4 weeks postaccident exhibited high-magnitude associations
with PTSD symptom severity 6 months after the accident. In a study of undergraduate students exposed to a campus shooting, Kumpla, Orcutt, Bardeen, and Varkovitzky (2011) found that preevent experiential avoidance predicted peritraumatic dissociation and PTSD intrusion and dysphoria symptoms 1 month following the traumatic sự kiện. Moreover, peritraumatic dissociation was associated with more severe PTSD symptoms 1 month after the traumatic sự kiện and experiential
avoidance 1 month after the sự kiện was associated with more severe PTSD hyperarousal and dysphoria symptoms 8 months after the traumatic sự kiện. Jenness et al. (2022) also found that the use of particular emotion regulation strategies pretraumatic exposure (rumination and low cognitive reappraisal) predicted the onset and severity of PTSD symptoms among adolescents exposed to a terrorist attack. Similarly, Fitzgerald et al. (2022) found that deficits in the
ability to engage in cognitive reappraisal (a putatively adaptive emotion regulation strategy) were associated with more PTSD symptoms over the course of 1 year among OEF/OIF/OND combat-exposed veterans. In a recent study, Short, Boffa, Clancy, and Schmidt (2022) used an ecological momentary assessment design to examine prospective associations between the use of putatively maladaptive and adaptive emotion regulation strategies and PTSD symptoms in a sample of individuals with
a diagnosis of PTSD recruited from the community and a university setting. Over the course of 8 days, the authors found that the use of putatively maladaptive emotion regulation strategies (e.g., thought suppression, rumination, engaging in impulsive behaviors, and avoidance) in response to a stressor prospectively predicted more severe PTSD symptoms later in the day. Putatively adaptive emotion regulation strategy use (cognitive reappraisal, acceptance, and problem solving) in response to
a stressor, however, did not prospectively predict PTSD symptoms later in the day.

Finally, neuroimaging studies provide further evidence of deficits in employing emotion regulation strategies among individuals with PTSD. In general, these studies show that, in the context of provocation paradigms (e.g., exposure to trauma-related or other emotionally evocative cues), individuals with PTSD exhibit hyperactivation of the dorsomedial prefrontal cortex,
anterior insula, and amygdala and hypoactivation of the dorsal anterior cingulate cortex—all areas implicated in the experience and regulation of emotion (Taylor & Liberzon, 2007). In addition, several studies have utilized a paradigm where individuals with PTSD are instructed to utilize the specific emotion regulation strategy of cognitive reappraisal when viewing emotionally evocative aversive images. These studies found that, relative to control groups, individuals with PTSD
had less recruitment of the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex during cognitive reappraisal (New et al., 2009; Rabinak et al., 2014). Similar to Tull et al. (2022), these findings suggest that individuals with PTSD can employ putatively adaptive emotion regulation strategies (as the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex was activated); however, evidence that the dorsolateral prefrontal cortex was recruited to a lesser extent than individuals without PTSD indicates
that they may be less effective in doing so relative to those without PTSD.

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URL: ://.sciencedirect/science/article/pii/B9780128160220000107

Intergroup Emotions Theory: Production, Regulation, and Modification of Group-Based Emotions

Diane M. Mackie, Eliot R. Smith, in
Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, 2022

5.2.2 Indirect Emotion Regulation Strategies

However, the applicability of direct emotion regulation strategies in intractable
conflict may be limited, because even if people are trained to use a regulation strategy, they will not do so unless they are motivated to change their negative emotions about the out-group—a condition that may often be absent in strong real-world conflicts (Halperin et al., 2014). In this case, an alternative, indirect strategy may be useful. This strategy involves focused interventions aimed specific appraisals, predicted to change corresponding emotions. In one example of this
approach, the emotion of hatred, and its associated appraisal that the out-group has unchangeable negative characteristics, was targeted by messages suggesting that groups in general are malleable and can change (Levy, Stroessner, & Dweck, 1998). Halperin, Russell, Trzesniewski, Gross, and Dweck (2011) showed experimentally that such messages did indeed change appraisals and increase tư vấn for political compromises as a road to peace. Other studies have
successfully used similar approaches to increase group-based guilt, which can play an important role in reconciliation (Čehajić-Clancy, Effron, Halperin, Liberman, & Ross, 2011).

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Advances in Theoretical, Developmental, and Cross-Cultural Perspectives of Psychopathology

Carina Coulacoglou, Donald H. Saklofske, in
Psychometrics and Psychological Assessment, 2022

Metaanalytic studies of emotion regulation

Two metaanalyses have attempted to estimate the average effect of ER
strategies on emotional experience and related outcomes. In the first one, Augustine and Hemenover (2009) used Parkinson and Totterdell’s (1999) taxonomy to classify different affect regulation strategies. This taxonomy was developed by asking participants to classify 162 strategies into meaningful strategies. The results of this metaanalysis revealed two principal types of strategies: behavior and cognitive strategies.

Aldao,
Nolen-Hocksema, and Schweizer (2010) examined the effects of six ER strategies (acceptance, avoidance, problem solving, reappraisal, rumination, and suppression) on psychopathology. Avoidance and rumination were found to be positively associated with psychopathological symptoms, whereas acceptance and problem solving were negatively associated. With regard to the strategies described by the process model of Gross (1998), suppression was found to be positively correlated with
psychopathological symptoms, whereas reappraisal was negatively correlated. Webb, Miles, and Sheeran (2012) outlined a new taxonomy that delineates the relationship between ER processes and specific ER strategies (Table 11.1). Moreover, they illustrate a number of potential moderators of the relation between strategy use and emotional outcomes.

Table 11.1. A Taxonomy for Linking Emotion Regulation Processes With Specific Strategies and Strategy Subtypes

ProcessStrategySubtypeDefinitionAttentional deployment
Distraction
Active positive distraction (D1)
The instructions explicitly direct participants to think about something positive that is unrelated to the focal emotion or emotional stimulus, to distract themselves.
Passive positive distraction (D2)
Participants are provided with emotionally positive materials or a task that is positive and unrelated to the focal emotion or emotional stimulus; participants are given no explicit instructions to distract themselves.
Active neutral distraction (D3)
The instructions explicitly direct participants to think about something neutral that is unrelated to the focal emotion or emotional stimulus, to distract themselves.
Passive neutral distraction (D4)
Participants are provided with materials or a task that is neutral and unrelated to the focal emotion or emotional stimulus; participants are given no explicit instructions to distract themselves.
Concentration
Concentrate on feelings (C1)
The instructions direct participants to attend to, focus on, make judgment about, or relive their emotional experience.
Concentrate on causes and implication (C2)
The instructions direct participants to think about the causes, meanings, or consequences of or the reasons for their feelings.
Concentrate—mixed (C3)
The instructions direct participants to concentrate on feelings, causes, and implications.
Cognitive change
Reappraisal
Reappraise emotional response (R1)
Participants are instructed to interpret the focal emotion in a particular manner. For example, participants may be told that the emotion is normal or that they should accept or not judge the emotion.
Reappraise emotional stimulus (R2)
Participants are instructed to reinterpret the emotional stimulus (the context or the cause of the emotion). For example, participants might be asked to imagine that a negative sự kiện had a positive outcome.
Reappraise via perspective taking (R3)
The instructions ask participants to alter the impact of the emotional stimulus by adopting a more or a less objective perspective. For example, participants may be asked to imagine themselves in the situation depicted or may be asked to be objective or to view the stimulus as detached observers.
Reappraisal—mixed (R4)
The instructions are framed such that the strategy could involve reappraising the emotional response and/or reappraising the emotional stimulus and/or reappraisal via perspective taking.
Response modulation
Suppression
Suppress the expression of emotion (S1)
Participants are instructed to hide the way they are feeling (e.g., not to smile). They are told to act in such a manner that an observer could not guess how they are feeling.
Suppress the experience of emotion (S2)
Participants are instructed to control their emotional experience. They are told to control or not allow themselves to experience the focal emotion.
Suppress thoughts of the emotion-eliciting sự kiện (S3)
Participants are instructed to control thoughts of or not allow themselves to think about the emotion-eliciting sự kiện.
Suppression—mixed (S4)
Participants are instructed both to hide the focal emotion and to control or not allow themselves to experience that emotion.
Control conditions

No instructions (Cont1)
No instructions relating to emotional experience or emotion regulation are given, or participants are told to think or feel what they like.
Instructions not to regulate in a specific manner (Cont2)
Participants are told that they should not regulate in a certain manner (e.g., that they should not reappraise the stimulus).
Instructions to enhance emotions (Cont3)
The instructions direct participants to enhance or maintain the focal emotion.
Instructions to experience naturally (Cont4)
The instructions direct participants to respond naturally to the emotional stimulus; participants should let their feelings flow without trying to regulate them.
Control—mixed (Cont5)
Participants are told to use a combination of the control instructions.

Source: Reprinted from Webb, T. L., Miles, E., & Sheeran, P. (2012). Dealing with feeling: a meta-analysis of the effectiveness of strategies derived from the process model of emotion regulation. Psychological Bulletin, 138(4), 775–808, with permission. Copyright 2012 by the American Psychological Association.

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What particular brain structure plays a significant role in processing matters of emotional significance?

Amygdala. The amygdala helps coordinate responses to things in your environment, especially those that trigger an emotional response. This structure plays an important role in fear and anger. Limbic cortex.

Emotional approach coping involves the use of two distinct, yet overlapping, facets: emotional expression [EE] and emotional processing [EP].

Which of the following is true about the measurement of emotion

Which of the following is true about the measurement of emotion-focused coping skills? There was a wide disparity in items used to measure emotion-focused coping.

Which of the following is an example of emotional avoidance?

Some of the following examples of emotional avoidance highlight its potential for creating negative consequences: Not engaging in meaningful conversations to avoid feelings of intimacy. Procrastinating an important life goal to avoid feelings of inadequacy. Overusing substances to avoid feelings of loss or grief.
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